Menstruation is a physiological phenomenon that is accompanied by bleeding after sexual maturation and periodic dissection and shedding of the endometrium. Most menstruators experience dozens to hundreds of menstruators in their lifetime, usually for decades. How to deal with menstrual blood is not only closely related to people's daily lives, but also affects the degree of participation in social activities and the reproduction of human society. At the same time, sanitary napkins, tampons, menstrual cups and other types of menstrual period products that are mainly used in menstrual blood treatment. As a "firm demand" for menstruals, its production and manufacturing market also has huge commercial potential.

So, how did people deal with and view menstrual blood in history? What changes have the industrial revolution and the development of medical technology brought about in modern times? How do menstrual supplies become "merchandise" that needs to be purchased? Focusing on neighboring Japan may help us sort out a little bit.

A brief history of menstrual blood treatment in Japan

First of all, there are only two ways to deal with menstrual blood: one is the external Napkin Style, such as sanitary napkins, menstrual belts, etc. The other is the built-in Tampon Style, such as tampon, menstrual cup, etc. According to statistics from modern Japan, disposable sanitary napkins belonging to the former are widely used, while the popularity of tampons is at most 20%. But looking back on history, the treatment of tampon/cotton ball menstrual blood may have been the mainstream.

"The Social History of Female Hygiene Products" Book Cover

"The Social History of Female Hygiene Products" Book Cover

According to the compilation of Tanaka Komatsu's "Social History of Female Hygiene Products", before cloth and paper were invented, people mainly used the leaves and fibers of plants. In the Jomon era, hemp was mainly used, and later they also used kudzu vines. In the Warring States Period, kapok was introduced from the mainland, and with the development of textile technology, fabrics were widely used to make clothes. The scraps of clothing become the ideal material for menstrual blood. In the records of the Heian era, the aristocratic class began to use silk and cotton, while in the Edo era, more and more people began to use paper materials to deal with menstrual blood as paper production increased. After entering the Meiji era, cotton-free became the first choice material for the upper class and gradually became popular with the public. Through these series of paths, it can be seen that the development of menstrual blood treatment before modernization mainly focused on the diversification of materials, and the materials used also vary with different classes.

In terms of how to use it, there are records of "moon belt" in Japan's earliest medical book "Yi Xin Prescription" (984). The nobles sewed silk into bags and stuffed it into cotton, which was used in a similar way to modern sanitary napkins. Civilians usually use the scraps or paper of clothes into a ball, and if possible, they will also use them with a T-band made of cotton (similar to the crotch of sumo wrestlers). In the folk, this method is not only used to absorb menstrual blood, but when medical knowledge was not popular, the method of stuffing tampons/cotton balls was also considered to be useful for contraception.

In the late Meiji period, menstrual bands introduced from Europe and the United States were gradually praised, and the rubber film on its crotch had a good waterproof effect. While menstrual belts became increasingly popular during the Taisho period from Showa, the tampon/cotton ball-style menstrual blood treatment methods still remain vital among the people. By the 1960s, Japan's disposable sanitary napkin "Anne" was officially launched, and the market competition for menstrual products in Japan, South Korea, Europe, the United States, China and other places was becoming increasingly fierce.

Mitsuki Tanaka once pointed out that modern and modern Japanese menstrual blood treatment methods and menstrual concepts have experienced two major turning points. The first time happened in the middle and late Meiji era, when Western medicine at that time brought about menstruation concepts based on modern science, which led to significant changes in menstrual blood treatment methods during this period. The second turning point occurred around the popularization of "Anne" sanitary napkins in the 1960s. Considering that Tanaka has already discussed the second turning point, we will focus on the changes brought about by the first turning point.

From "filth" to "unclean": The influence of Western medicine and the reconstruction of menstruation concept

In ancient Japan's religious culture, blood was considered to contain mysterious power. Women during menstruation can connect with the gods through blood and are considered to be the "goddess" who worship the gods. Therefore, unlike the later "menstrual hut", the early "Don't House and Fire" ceremony, in which women during menstruation open a stove and make a fire outside the daily living room of a large family, to distinguish the sacred women serving the gods from others to avoid being "polluted". Since then, as the male-dominated social structure gradually strengthened, menstrual period and menstrual blood, a symbol of female sacred identity, began to be regarded as "investment" - that is, filth. This change in symbolic meaning is common in folklore and anthropology about "blood cerebral" - that is, discussing the concept of blood filth.

It is worth noting that the concept of "blood veins" first appeared in the 9th century. Although this statement is closely related to menstrual blood, the filthy category it refers to does not extend to women themselves, nor does it include other periods after the end of menstrual period. In other words, the "blood veins" that need to be avoided in traditional Japanese culture actually only narrowly refers to menstrual period and menstrual blood itself. It is also because of this that in order to effectively avoid blood and avoid hitting the gods, women need to show to the people around them by wearing specific jewelry and decorating specific items during menstruation. In addition, the way of balling various materials into cotton balls to absorb menstrual blood was actually not safe. It can still be seen in oral history surveys from the late 19th century to the early 20th century that women were accustomed to the fact that other people had dropped "cotton balls with blood".

Therefore, the two key concepts that modern society often associate with when talking about the moon, namely "filth" and "uncleanness", are actually the "filth" that have been repeatedly mentioned and avoided in the long history. "Uncleanness" can be said to be a modern product under the influence of Western medical knowledge since the Meiji Restoration.

Cholera, which was prevalent worldwide in the 19th century, brought a large number of casualties to Japan between the Makuma and the Reformation period, and then a large number of pathogens such as typhoid fever and dysentery were found in Japan. Japanese society during the Meiji period urgently needed to establish and improve the health system. Therefore, "cleaning" and "hygiene" became the top priority of social work at that time. At this time, women were not only the harnesses of family cleanliness, but also as important mothers for childbirth and nurturing and strengthening the people, their bodies themselves were further included in the health supervision system.

In such an era, the former concept of "blood bursing" that is "menstrual blood = filth" naturally gained attention. However, with the introduction and popularization of Western medicine, people began to realize that menstruation, as a part of metabolism, is just a normal physiological phenomenon. The "blood burrow" discussed in traditional culture and anthropological and folklore theory has been denied by modern Western science. Not only that, intellectuals from all walks of life who were represented by doctors and advocated foreign cultures at that time were vigorously promoted in various magazine articles aimed at female readers. This kind of operation of popularizing modern Western medical knowledge and denying people's understanding of existing traditional culture is actually an important part of helping intellectuals at that time establish cultural authority.

For example, Yiting Xiurong, a Physiology and Pathology of Pregnancy (II) clearly pointed out:

"Mental period is the waste blood excreted from the woman's body. In the West, menstruation is considered to have a purifying effect on the body; but in the East, menstrual blood is often regarded as 'filthy'. Not only in the past, but to this day, many women still hold this view. There are even taboos that women meet with people during menstruation is inappropriate. However, scholars' research results show that menstruation is just a monthly uterine bleeding, and this blood is not a 'filthy' thing, it is no different from bleeding from other parts of the body (such as the blood at the fingertips).

So has women's menstrual blood treatment entered a scientific and open state? The answer is no. Under the impact of Western medicine and hygiene knowledge, the concept of "filth" menstrual blood treatment method that was once constructed to manage and restrict women's bodies and behaviors has been disintegrated, and replaced by the concept of "(tampon/cotton ball) menstrual blood treatment method = unclean" reconstructed by intellectuals at that time based on the cleanliness and hygiene context.

The "original sin" of tampon-style menstrual blood treatment

At that time, there were three main sins of criticizing the "uncleanness" of menstrual blood treatment: one is that the uncleanness of the absorbent material placed in the body may cause uterine diseases because it is forgotten/unable to be taken out; the second is that it is advocated that the menstrual blood leakage may be caused by the tampon-style menstrual blood treatment; the third is that the stimulation caused by the placement of the absorbent material may damage the "purity" of women.

First, the article No. 1 of the Japanese Journal of Women's Health mentioned: "The cloth used during menstruation must be fresh and clean rags. If old fabric is used, it must be cleaned." This indirectly proves that people might have repeatedly used old fabrics, or even used them without washing. Furthermore, since most women at that time chose to knead absorbent materials such as fabric or waste paper into a ball, it often caused them to be forgotten or unable to be taken out and left, which in turn caused uterine diseases.

Yiting Xiurong criticized this as follows in the article "Women's Hygiene (III)" Volume 1, No. 4:

"I would like to remind you here. ...Even if these items are disinfected, they are extremely dangerous and must be stopped immediately. ... Because it is possible that they cannot be taken out if they are put in, or when they are taken out, some of the cotton balls are torn and left in the body without notice."

Secondly, the problem of menstrual blood leakage has also been criticized by all parties. Medical and health science at the time believed that women's body secretions increased during menstruation and were more likely to produce odors, so they needed to be cleaned more frequently to keep them clean. Intellectuals also pointed out that because the secretions and excrement in the lower body did not meet the hygiene cleaning requirements at that time, it would be extremely rude and shameful if seen. At this point, the originally common cotton ball drop or menstrual blood leakage, and even the menstrual period itself that should be revealed in order to facilitate taboos, has gradually changed into an existence that should be hidden, and is further related to the "shaming" of women.

Finally, some intellectuals at that time also believed that using cotton balls for unmarried women was not conducive to keeping their bodies pure, and some even advocated preventing girls from masturbating by using menstrual belts and other products. Okara once argued in "Women's Family Hygiene" that the tampon insertion method of menopause is very likely to induce masturbation.

The above three points criticize the method of tampon-style menstrual blood treatment and jointly construct how this method is "unclean". This uncleanness not only includes physiological hygiene, but also expands to physical and mental purity. As a perfect answer to this series of criticisms, intellectuals and manufacturers at that time gave a new answer - menstrual belt. This is systematically presented in the advertisement of "Rubber Ape-like Menstrual Belt" in "Women's Learning World" No. 4 in 1909. This ad slogan for menstrual belt is written like this:

"This product can be used as a noble lady, a wealthy lady, a flower house top brand, a female student, and even a nanny and maid. It is an indispensable sanitary product for a day. The uterine disease that women should be most careful about, and genital diseases are all caused by unhygienic periods. This product can not only prevent this before it happens, but also act on the virgins who are thrilled in spring, prevent self-deprecation and pleasure, and prevent infection of flowers and willows. It must be said that it is a good thing with both three virtues..."

Commodification of menstrual products: Win-win between intellectuals and manufacturers

At this point, if one of the major reasons why the traditional menstrual blood treatment methods represented by tampons/cotton balls are widely used is that female individuals can process menstrual blood by themselves according to the methods taught by mother and daughter relatives, then menstrual belts gradually sold as commodities in the late Meiji era directly opened the commercialization of menstrual blood treatment.

According to existing records, the earliest commercialized menstrual belt in Japan was designed by doctor Kinoshita Masaku. In 1901, Kinoshita showed the menstrual belts used by Western women at that time in a speech at the Women's Health Association, and claimed that it would "imitate this form and sell similar products." In the same year, it was successfully sold by "Kanda Awaji-cho Fukushido". However, there are fewer advertisements and articles about this menstrual belt, so it is not clear how popular it is. In the subsequent records, in 1905, a man submitted a utility model patent application to the Japanese Patent Office called "Protective Mask Anti-Mental Pants". The design is in a panties-like style, and the crotch is removable. However, no specific records of the commercialization of this patent have been found.

The next product that can be traced back is the "Tsuki Belt" (Shiseido Pharmacy) invented by Yamada midwife Yiko Yamada, a midwife at Cihui Hospital in the old Tokyo. Advertisement for this product was published in Volume 2 and 4 of "Women's World" in 1907. The advertisement mentioned that this menstrual belt was improved and designed by Yamada after investigating the situation in Europe according to the needs of Japanese women. Unlike most menstrual belt design and sales, and the situation where patent applications are dominated by men, "Moonlight" chose to use the invention of female midwifes as the selling point. This menstrual belt was mainly sold between 1907 and 1914. It was initially priced at 75 yuan for Model A and 45 yuan for Model B. However, in January of the following year of release, the price was raised to 125 yuan for Model A, 85 yuan for Model B, and 55 yuan for Model B. There are more types to be launched for users to choose from. Considering that the social background of 10 kilograms of white rice in Japan at that time was about 156 yuan, the price of menstrual belts can be said to be incomparable to civilians.

But even so, at that time, a large number of merchants still entered the market for menstrual belt production, manufacturing and sales, and actively worked on consumer education to increase product sales. From the early 20th century to more than 30 years since the beginning of the 20th century, the menstrual belt manufacturing industry has been booming and competition has been unprecedentedly fierce. The reasons behind this are inseparable from the considerable "profit". So, since it is such a high-priced "luxury product", how did menstrual belts quickly open up sales and attract a large number of users at that time?

"The Moon Belt" Advertising ("Woman's World" Volume 4, No. 1)

"The Moon Belt" Advertising ("Woman's World" Volume 4, No. 1)

"Safety Belt" Advertising (Woman's World Volume 5, No. 3)

"Safety Belt" Advertising (Woman's World Volume 5, No. 3)

One of the answers is the "coincidence" between menstrual belt manufacturers and intellectuals at that time. Judging from the advertisements published in "Women's World", most of the menstrual robes at that time were "endorsed" by intellectuals mainly doctors. For example, in the advertisement of "The Moon Belt", it is mentioned: "Mr. Murai Shin-shi introduced many benefits of this product in his book "The Daily Life of Women", and this product has recently won an intra-court order, which is a good product for the imperial use" ("Women's World" Volume 2, No. 4). "Mr. Hiroyoshi Yi, a great medical scientist in obstetrics and gynecology, praised the necessity of this product in ensuring women's health in the journal "Women's World" (Women's World, Volume 3, No. 1). The "safety belt" (safety hall) launched almost at the same time as the "Moonlight Belt" has also been promoted as a great blessing for women during menstruation. The advertisement specifically emphasized that this product was invention of Jiro Fujikawa, a bachelor of medicine, and has received praise from major authoritative figures in the medical field.

In this way, the intellectuals' reconstructed concept of "(tampon-style) menstrual blood treatment method = unclean" reached a perfect "win-win" with the menstrual belt manufacturers at that time's intention to promote high-priced products. Not only did intellectuals regain control the disintegration of the "menstrual blood = filthy" culture under the impact of Western medicine, but the advertisements of menstrual belts further strengthened the authority of knowledge and played a role in consumer education. On the contrary, manufacturers use the power of intellectuals to promote and sell "more modern", "more advanced" and "more scientific" menstrual belts, and since then, menstrual supplies are included in the category of products. People need to spend money to purchase specific menstrual supplies in order to meet social standards to complete the "clean and hygienic" menstrual blood treatment. This development path can also help us understand and explain the "menstrual poverty" facing modern society: first of all, menstrual supplies are commodities, and they need to be purchased to have problems that cannot be afforded and cannot be bought well.

In view of the social history of modern menstrual blood treatment in Japan, we can find that tampon-style menstrual blood treatment has been criticized. At the same time, sanitary napkin-style treatment represented by menstrual belts has officially become commercialized on the stage of history. A series of menstrual concept reconstruction and marketing from male intellectuals and manufacturers have enabled the original concept of menstrual blood filth to be re-established after being impacted by Western medical knowledge: people should handle menstruation hygienic and secretly. After commercialization, the cost of menstrual supplies is imposed on the individual users. Women need to follow "scientific guidance" and ensure that their bodies are clean and pure. Looking back on history, starting from the microscopic development path of menstrual blood treatment supplies to analyze the subtle transformation of menstruation from "filth" to "unclean", may provide ideas for us to better understand menstrual and menstrual supplies, and even think about the situation of women.

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